By Evelyn Gordon July 29, 2015
For the
full article go to; http://tinyurl.com/octdq27
Israel marked the 10th anniversary of its unilateral pullout from
Gaza this week with a rare consensus: The disengagement was a disaster. Even
opposition leader and Labor Party chairman Isaac Herzog admitted that
“from a security perspective, the disengagement was a mistake. While he still
considers it “essential” demographically, he isn’t sure he
would have voted for it had he known then what he knows now. And this is the
man who, back in 2005, declared that,
thanks to the disengagement, “for the first time in decades there is genuine
hope” for “lasting peace.”
Equally remarkable was a poll of Israeli Jews earlier this month
asking whether they supported or opposed the pullout at the time. An
overwhelming majority of respondents – 59 percent – asserted that
they had opposed it, while only 34 percent admitted to having supported it.
That, of course, is far from the truth; polls at the time consistently showed
solid pluralities or majorities favoring the disengagement, while only about a
third of Israelis opposed it. But this revisionist history accurately reflects
Israelis’ current view of the withdrawal: Many of those who once backed it are
now convinced they must actually have opposed it, because they simply can’t
imagine they would have supported any idea as disastrous as this one proved to
be. And even among those still willing to admit they once supported it, almost
one-fifth now regret doing so.
It’s not just the obvious fact that the Palestinians turned Gaza
into a giant launch pad from which some 16,500 rockets and mortars have been
fired at Israel over the past decade, whereas exactly zero have been fired from
the Israeli-controlled West Bank over the same period. It’s not just that
quitting Gaza has resulted in more Israeli soldiers
being killed, and also more Palestinians,
than occupying Gaza ever did. It’s not just that after Israel withdrew every
last settler and soldier from Gaza, the world has sought to deny it the right
to defend itself against the ensuing rocket attacks by greeting every military
operation with escalating condemnation, accusations of war crimes,
and attempts to prosecute it in the International Criminal Court. It’s not just
that the withdrawal ended up worsening global anti-Semitism, since every
military operation in Gaza has served as an excuse for a massive upsurge
in anti-Semitic attacks worldwide. It’s not just that Israel received zero
diplomatic credit for the pullout, with most of the world not only still insisting
that Gaza is “Israeli-occupied territory,” but excoriating Israel with
escalating ferocity, and even threatening sanctions,
for its reluctance to repeat this disastrous experiment in the West Bank, while
assigning Palestinians zero responsibility for the impasse.
All these are certainly reasons enough to consider the pullout a
disaster. But there’s one final negative outcome, as reflected in another poll
released last week: Due to this Israeli reluctance, born of hard experience, a
majority of overseas Jews now deems Israel insufficiently committed to peace.
And that, in some ways, is the worst betrayal of all. Most Israelis don’t
expect much from the Palestinians or the UN or Europe. But they do expect their
fellow Jews to sympathize with their fear that withdrawing from the West Bank
would simply replicate the Gaza disaster on a much larger scale.
After all, none of the negative consequences that ensued in Gaza
can be blamed on the popular distinction between the “moderate” Fatah, led by
Mahmoud Abbas, and the “hardline” Hamas. For Gaza wasn’t handed over to Hamas,
but to Abbas. He’s the one who first enabled the escalation by refusing to use
his forces to stop it; consequently, there were more than four times as many
rocket attacks in 2006, the first year after the disengagement, as in either of
the previous two years. And he’s the one who lost Gaza to Hamas in a bloody
coup in mid-2007 when the latter decided it no longer needed a fig leaf.
Thus Israel has no reason whatsoever to think giving Abbas the
West Bank wouldn’t produce the same result, except with even more disastrous
consequences. Hitting major Israeli population centers from Gaza requires
long-range rockets; from the West Bank, easily produced short-range rockets
suffice. Nor should we forget suicide bombings, which, during the second
intifada (2000-2005), caused more Israeli casualties in four years than all the
terror attacks of the entire previous 53 years combined. Those attacks were
launched almost exclusively from parts of the West Bank controlled by the
Palestinian Authority, and they stopped only when the Israeli army retook
control of these areas – meaning Israel’s previous experiment with ceding parts
of the West Bank was even less encouraging than the Gaza experiment has been.
Most Israelis would still be willing to trade land for peace, but
they’ve had enough of trading land for terror. And until overseas Jews can
produce a convincing argument for why the next pullout would be any different
than all the previous ones, it would be nice if they instead practiced the
traditional Jewish value of giving fellow Jews the benefit of the doubt. To
interpret caution born of grim experience as disinterest in peace isn’t merely
unfair; it’s downright malicious.
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